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you can prove to me, or, rather, to the group of men I am thinking

of, that the thing can be done. "

Mr. Gilgan blinked his eyes solemnly. He rubbed his knees, put

his thumbs in the armholes of his vest, took out a cigar, lit it,

and gazed poetically at the ceiling. He was thinking very, very

hard. Mr. Cowperwood and Mr. McKenty, as he knew, were very

powerful men. He had always managed to down the McKenty opposition

in his ward, and several others adjacent to it, and in the Eighteenth

Senatorial District, which he represented. But to be called upon

to defeat him in Chicago, that was different. Still, the thought

of a large amount of cash to be distributed through him, and the

chance of wresting the city leadership from McKenty by the aid of

the so-called moral forces of the city, was very inspiring. Mr.

Gilgan was a good politician. He loved to scheme and plot and

make deals--as much for the fun of it as anything else. Just now

he drew a solemn face, which, however, concealed a very light heart.

" I have heard, " went on Hand, " that you have built up a strong

organization in your ward and district. "

" I've managed to hold me own, " suggested Gilgan, archly. " But

this winning all over Chicago, " he went on, after a moment, " now,

that's a pretty large order. There are thirty-one wards in Chicago

this election, and all but eight of them are nominally Democratic.

I know most of the men that are in them now, and some of them are

pretty shrewd men, too. This man Dowling in council is nobody's

fool, let me tell you that. Then there's Duvanicki and Ungerich

and Tiernan and Kerrigan--all good men. " He mentioned four of the

most powerful and crooked aldermen in the city. " You see, Mr.

Hand, the way things are now the Democrats have the offices, and

the small jobs to give out. That gives them plenty of political

workers to begin with. Then they have the privilege of collecting

money from those in office to help elect themselves. That's another

great privilege. " He smiled. " Then this man Cowperwood employs

all of ten thousand men at present, and any ward boss that's

favorable to him can send a man out of work to him and he'll find

a place for him. That's a gre-a-eat help in building up a party

following. Then there's the money a man like Cowperwood and others

can contribute at election time. Say what you will, Mr. Hand, but

it's the two, and five, and ten dollar bills paid out at the last

moment over the saloon bars and at the polling-places that do the

work. Give me enough money" --and at this noble thought Mr. Gilgan

straightened up and slapped one fist lightly in the other, adjusting

at the same time his half-burned cigar so that it should not burn

his hand--" and I can carry every ward in Chicago, bar none. If I

have money enough, " he repeated, emphasizing the last two words.

He put his cigar back in his mouth, blinked his eyes defiantly,

and leaned back in his chair.

" Very good, " commented Hand, simply; " but how much money? "

" Ah, that's another question, " replied Gilgan, straightening up

once more. " Some wards require more than others. Counting out

the eight that are normally Republican as safe, you would have to

carry eighteen others to have a majority in council. I don't see

how anything under ten to fifteen thousand dollars to a ward would

be safe to go on. I should say three hundred thousand dollars

would be safer, and that wouldn't be any too much by any means. "

Mr. Gilgan restored his cigar and puffed heavily the while he

leaned back and lifted his eyes once more.

" And how would that money be distributed exactly? " inquired Mr.

Hand.

" Oh, well, it's never wise to look into such matters too closely, "

commented Mr. Gilgan, comfortably. " There's such a thing as cutting

your cloth too close in politics. There are ward captains, leaders,

block captains, workers. They all have to have money to do with

--to work up sentiment--and you can't be too inquiring as to just

how they do it. It's spent in saloons, and buying coal for mother,

and getting Johnnie a new suit here and there. Then there are

torch-light processions and club-rooms and jobs to look after.

Sure, there's plenty of places for it. Some men may have to be

brought into these wards to live--kept in boarding-houses for a

week or ten days. " He waved a hand deprecatingly.

Mr. Hand, who had never busied himself with the minutiae of politics,

opened his eyes slightly. This colonizing idea was a little

liberal, he thought.

" Who distributes this money? " he asked, finally.

" Nominally, the Republican County Committee, if it's in charge;

actually, the man or men who are leading the fight. In the case

of the Democratic party it's John J. McKenty, and don't you forget

it. In my district it's me. and no one else. "

Mr. Hand, slow, solid, almost obtuse at times, meditated under

lowering brows. He had always been associated with a more or less

silk-stocking crew who were unused to the rough usage of back-room

saloon politics, yet every one suspected vaguely, of course, at

times that ballot-boxes were stuffed and ward lodging-houses

colonized. Every one (at least every one of any worldly intelligence)

knew that political capital was collected from office-seekers,

office-holders, beneficiaries of all sorts and conditions under

the reigning city administration. Mr. Hand had himself contributed

to the Republican party for favors received or about to be. As a

man who had been compelled to handle large affairs in a large way

he was not inclined to quarrel with this. Three hundred thousand

dollars was a large sum, and he was not inclined to subscribe it

alone, but fancied that at his recommendation and with his advice

it could be raised. Was Gilgan the man to fight Cowperwood? He

looked him over and decided--other things being equal--that he was.

And forthwith the bargain was struck. Gilgan, as a Republican

central committeeman--chairman, possibly--was to visit every ward,

connect up with every available Republican force, pick strong,

suitable anti-Cowperwood candidates, and try to elect them, while

he, Hand, organized the money element and collected the necessary

cash. Gilgan was to be given money personally. He was to have

the undivided if secret support of all the high Republican elements

in the city. His business was to win at almost any cost. And as

a reward he was to have the Republican support for Congress, or,

failing that, the practical Republican leadership in city and county.

" Anyhow, " said Hand, after Mr. Gilgan finally took his departure,

" things won't be so easy for Mr. Cowperwood in the future as they

were in the past. And when it comes to getting his franchises

renewed, if I'm alive, we'll see whether he will or not. "

The heavy financier actually growled a low growl as he spoke out

loud to himself. He felt a boundless rancor toward the man who

had, as he supposed, alienated the affections of his smart young

wife.

Chapter XXXV

A Political Agreement

In the first and second wards of Chicago at this time--wards

including the business heart, South Clark Street, the water-front,

the river-levee, and the like--were two men, Michael (alias Smiling

Mike) Tiernan and Patrick (alias Emerald Pat) Kerrigan, who, for

picturequeness of character and sordidness of atmosphere, could

not be equaled elsewhere in the city, if in the nation at large.

" Smiling" Mike Tiernan, proud possessor of four of the largest and

filthiest saloons of this area, was a man of large and genial

mold--perhaps six feet one inch in height, broad-shouldered in

proportion, with a bovine head, bullet-shaped from one angle, and

big, healthy, hairy hands and large feet. He had done many things

from digging in a ditch to occupying a seat in the city council

from this his beloved ward, which he sold out regularly for one

purpose and another; but his chief present joy consisted in sitting

behind a solid mahogany railing at a rosewood desk in the back

portion of his largest Clark Street hostelry--" The Silver Moon. "

Here he counted up the returns from his various properties--salons,

gambling resorts, and houses of prostitution--which he manipulated

with the connivance or blinking courtesy of the present

administration, and listened to the pleas and demands of his

henchmen and tenants.

The character of Mr. Kerrigan, Mr. Tiernan's only rival in this

rather difficult and sordid region, was somewhat different. He

was a small man, quite dapper, with a lean, hollow, and somewhat

haggard face, but by no means sickly body, a large, strident

mustache, a wealth of coal-black hair parted slickly on one side,

and a shrewd, genial brown-black eye--constituting altogether a

rather pleasing and ornate figure whom it was not at all unsatisfactory

to meet. His ears were large and stood out bat-wise from his

head; and his eyes gleamed with a smart, evasive light. He was

cleverer financially than Tiernan, richer, and no more than

thirty-five, whereas Mr. Tiernan was forty-five years of age.

Like Mr. Tiernan in the first ward, Mr. Kerrigan was a power in

the second, and controlled a most useful and dangerous floating

vote. His saloons harbored the largest floating element that was

to be found in the city--longshoremen, railroad hands, stevedores,

tramps, thugs, thieves, pimps, rounders, detectives, and the like.

He was very vain, considered himself handsome, a " killer" with the

ladies. Married, and with two children and a sedate young wife,

he still had his mistress, who changed from year to year, and his

intermediate girls. His clothes were altogether noteworthy, but

it was his pride to eschew jewelry, except for one enormous emerald,

value fourteen thousand dollars, which he wore in his necktie on

occasions, and the wonder of which, pervading all Dearborn Street

and the city council, had won him the soubriquet of " Emerald Pat. "

At first he rejoiced heartily in this title, as he did in a gold

and diamond medal awarded him by a Chicago brewery for selling the

largest number of barrels of beer of any saloon in Chicago. More

recently, the newspapers having begun to pay humorous attention to

both himself and Mr. Tiernan, because of their prosperity and

individuality, he resented it.

The relation of these two men to the present political situation

was peculiar, and, as it turned out, was to constitute the weak

spot in the Cowperwood-McKenty campaign. Tiernan and Kerrigan,

to begin with, being neighhors and friends, worked together in

politics and business, on occasions pooling their issues and doing

each other favors. The enterprises in which they were engaged

being low and shabby, they needed counsel and consolation.

Infinitely beneath a man like McKenty in understanding and a politic

grasp of life, they were, nevertheless, as they prospered, somewhat

jealous of him and his high estate. They saw with speculative and

somewhat jealous eyes how, after his union with Cowperwood, he

grew and how he managed to work his will in many ways--by extracting

tolls from the police department, and heavy annual campaign

contributions from manufacturers favored by the city gas and water

departments. McKenty--a born manipulator in this respect--knew

where political funds were to be had in an hour of emergency, and

he did not hesitate to demand them. Tiernan and Kerrigan had

always been fairly treated by him as politics go; but they had

never as yet been included in his inner council of plotters. When

he was down-town on one errand or another, he stopped in at their

places to shake hands with them, to inquire after business, to

ask if there was any favor he could do them; but never did he

stoop to ask a favor of them or personally to promise any form of

reward. That was the business of Dowling and others through whom

he worked.

Naturally men of strong, restive, animal disposition, finding no

complete outlet for all their growing capacity, Tiernan and Kerrigan

were both curious to see in what way they could add to their honors

and emoluments. Their wards, more than any in the city, were

increasing in what might be called a vote-piling capacity, the

honest, legitimate vote not being so large, but the opportunities

afforded for colonizing, repeating, and ballot-box stuffing being

immense. In a doubtful mayoralty campaign the first and second

wards alone, coupled with a portion of the third adjoining them,

would register sufficient illegitimate votes (after voting-hours,

if necessary) to completely change the complexion of the city as

to the general officers nominated. Large amounts of money were

sent to Tiernan and Kerrigan around election time by the Democratic

County Committee to be disposed of as they saw fit. They merely

sent in a rough estimate of how much they would need, and always

received a little more than they asked for. They never made nor

were asked to make accounting afterward. Tiernan would receive

as high as fifteen and eighteen, Kerrigan sometimes as much as

twenty to twenty-five thousand dollars, his being the pivotal ward

under such circumstances.

McKenty had recently begun to recognize that these two men would

soon have to be given fuller consideration, for they were becoming

more or less influential. But how? Their personalities, let alone

the reputation of their wards and the methods they employed, were

not such as to command public confidence. In the mean time, owing

to the tremendous growth of the city, the growth of their own

private business, and the amount of ballot-box stuffing, repeating,

and the like which was required of them, they were growing more

and more restless. Why should not they be slated for higher

offices? they now frequently asked themselves. Tiernan would have

been delighted to have been nominated for sheriff or city treasurer.

He considered himself eminently qualified. Kerrigan at the last

city convention had privately urged on Dowling the wisdom of

nominating him for the position of commissioner of highways and

sewers, which office he was anxious to obtain because of its reported

commercial perquisites; but this year, of all times, owing to

the need of nominating an unblemished ticket to defeat the sharp

Republican opposition, such a nomination was not possible. It

would have drawn the fire of all the respectable elements in the

city. As a result both Tiernan and Kerrigan, thinking over their

services, past and future, felt very much disgruntled. They were

really not large enough mentally to understand how dangerous

--outside of certain fields of activity--they were to the party.

After his conference with Hand, Gilgan, going about the city with

the promise of ready cash on his lips, was able to arouse considerable

enthusiasm for the Republican cause. In the wards and sections

where the so-called " better element" prevailed it seemed probable,

because of the heavy moral teaching of the newspapers, that the

respectable vote would array itself almost solidly this time against

Cowperwood. In the poorer wards it would not be so easy. True,

it was possible, by a sufficient outlay of cash, to find certain

hardy bucaneers who could be induced to knife their own brothers,

but the result was not certain. Having heard through one person

and another of the disgruntled mood of both Kerrigan and Tiernan,

and recognizing himself, even if he was a Republican, to be a man

much more of their own stripe than either McKenty or Dowling,

Gilgan decided to visit that lusty pair and see what could be done

by way of alienating them from the present center of power.

After due reflection he first sought out " Emerald Pat" Kerrigan,

whom he knew personally but with whom he was by no means intimate

politically, at his " Emporium Bar" in Dearborn Street. This

particular saloon, a feature of political Chicago at this time,

was a large affair containing among other marvelous saloon fixtures

a circular bar of cherry wood twelve feet in diameter, which glowed

as a small mountain with the customary plain and colored glasses,

bottles, labels, and mirrors. The floor was a composition of

small, shaded red-and-green marbles; the ceiling a daub of pinky,

fleshy nudes floating among diaphanous clouds; the walls were

alternate panels of cerise and brown set in rosewood. Mr. Kerrigan,

when other duties were not pressing, was usually to be found

standing chatting with several friends and surveying the wonders

of his bar trade, which was very large. On the day of Mr. Gilgan's

call he was resplendent in a dark-brown suit with a fine red

stripe in it, Cordovan leather shoes, a wine-colored tie ornamented

with the emerald of so much renown, and a straw hat of flaring

proportions and novel weave. About his waist, in lieu of a

waistcoat, was fastened one of the eccentricities of the day, a

manufactured silk sash. He formed an interesting contrast with

Mr. Gilgan, who now came up very moist, pink, and warm, in a fine,

light tweed of creamy, showy texture, straw hat, and yellow shoes.

" How are you, Kerrigan? " he observed, genially, there being no

political enmity between them. " How's the first, and how's trade?

I see you haven't lost the emerald yet? "

" No. No danger of that. Oh, trade's all right. And so's the

first. How's Mr. Gilgan? " Kerrigan extended his hand cordially.

" I have a word to say to you. Have you any time to spare? "

For answer Mr. Kerrigan led the way into the back room. Already

he had heard rumors of a strong Republican opposition at the coming

election.

Mr. Gilgan sat down. " It's about things this fall I've come to

see you, of course, " he began, smilingly. " You and I are supposed

to be on opposite sides of the fence, and we are as a rule, but I

am wondering whether we need be this time or not? "

Mr. Kerrigan, shrewd though seemingly simple, fixed him with an

amiable eye. " What's your scheme? " he said. " I'm always open to

a good idea. "

" Well, it's just this, " began Mr. Gilgan, feeling his way. " You

have a fine big ward here that you carry in your vest pocket, and

so has Tiernan, as we all know; and we all know, too, that if it

wasn't for what you and him can do there wouldn't always be a

Democratic mayor elected. Now, I have an idea, from looking into

the thing, that neither you nor Tiernan have got as much out of

it so far as you might have. "

Mr. Kerrigan was too cautious to comment as to that, though Mr.

Gilgan paused for a moment.

" Now, I have a plan, as I say, and you can take it or leave it,

just as you want, and no hard feelings one way or the other. I

think the Republicans are going to win this fall--McKenty or no

McKenty--first, second, and third wards with us or not, as they

choose. The doings of the big fellow" --he was referring to

McKenty--" with the other fellow in North Clark Street" --Mr. Gilgan

preferred to be a little enigmatic at times--" are very much in the

wind just now. You see how the papers stand. I happen to know

where there's any quantity of money coming into the game from big

financial quarters who have no use for this railroad man. It's a

solid La Salle and Dearborn Street line-up, so far as I can see.

Why, I don't know. But so it is. Maybe you know better than I

do. Anyhow, that's the way it stands now. Add to that the fact

that there are eight naturally Republican wards as it is, and ten

more where there is always a fighting chance, and you begin to see

what I'm driving at. Count out these last ten, though, and bet

only on the eight that are sure to stand. That leaves twenty-three

wards that we Republicans always conceded to you people; but if

we manage to carry thirteen of them along with the eight I'm talking

about, we'll have a majority in council, and" --flick! he snapped

his fingers--" out you go--you, McKenty, Cowperwood, and all the

rest. No more franchises, no more street-paving contracts, no

more gas deals. Nothing--for two years, anyhow, and maybe longer.

If we win we'll take the jobs and the fat deals. " He paused and

surveyed Kerrigan cheerfully but defiantly.

" Now, I've just been all over the city, " he continued, " in every

ward and precinct, so I know something of what I am talking about.

I have the men and the cash to put up a fight all along the line

this time. This fall we win--me and the big fellows over there

in La Salle Street, and all the Republicans or Democrats or

Prohibitionists, or whoever else comes in with us--do you get me?

We're going to put up the biggest political fight Chicago has ever

seen. I'm not naming any names just yet, but when the time comes

you'll see. Now, what I want to ask of you is this, and I'll not

mince me words nor beat around the bush. Will you and Tiernan

come in with me and Edstrom to take over the city and run it during

the next two years? If you will, we can win hands down. It will

be a case of share and share alike on everything--police, gas,

water, highways, street-railways, everything--or we'll divide

beforehand and put it down in black and white. I know that you

and Tiernan work together, or I wouldn't talk about this. Edstrom

has the Swedes where he wants them, and he'll poll twenty thousand

of them this fall. There's Ungerich with his Germans; one of us

might make a deal with him afterward, give him most any office he

wants. If we win this time we can hold the city for six or eight

years anyhow, most likely, and after that--well, there's no use

lookin' too far in the future--Anyhow we'd have a majority of the

council and carry the mayor along with it. "

" If--" commented Mr. Kerrigan, dryly.

" If, " replied Mr. Gilgan, sententiously. " You're very right.

There's a big 'if' in there, I'll admit. But if these two

wards--yours and Tiernan's--could by any chance be carried for the

Republicans they'd be equal to any four or five of the others. "

" Very true, " replied Mr. Kerrigan, " if they could be carried for

the Republicans. But they can't be. What do you want me to do,

anyhow? Lose me seat in council and be run out of the Democratic

party? What's your game? You don't take me for a plain damn fool,

do you? "

" Sorry the man that ever took 'Emerald Pat' for that, " answered

Gilgan, with honeyed compliment. " I never would. But no one is

askin' ye to lose your seat in council and be run out of the

Democratic party. What's to hinder you from electin' yourself and

droppin' the rest of the ticket? " He had almost said " knifing. "

Mr. Kerrigan smiled. In spite of all his previous dissatisfaction

with the Chicago situation he had not thought of Mr. Gilgan's talk

as leading to this. It was an interesting idea. He had " knifed"

people before--here and there a particular candidate whom it was

desirable to undo. If the Democratic party was in any danger of

losing this fall, and if Gilgan was honest in his desire to divide

and control, it might not be such a bad thing. Neither Cowperwood,

McKenty, nor Dowling had ever favored him in any particular way.

If they lost through him, and he could still keep himself in power,

they would have to make terms with him. There was no chance of

their running him out. Why shouldn't he knife the ticket? It was

worth thinking over, to say the least.

" That's all very fine, " he observed, dryly, after his meditations

had run their course; " but how do I know that you wouldn't turn

around and 'welch' on the agreement afterward? " (Mr. Gilgan stirred

irritably at the suggestion. ) " Dave Morrissey came to me four years

ago to help him out, and a lot of satisfaction I got afterward. "

Kerrigan was referring to a man whom he had helped make county

clerk, and who had turned on him when he asked for return favors

and his support for the office of commissioner of highways.

Morrissey had become a prominent politician.

" That's very easy to say, " replied Gilgan, irritably, " but it's

not true of me. Ask any man in my district. Ask the men who know

me. I'll put my part of the bargain in black and white if you'll

put yours. If I don't make good, show me up afterward. I'll take

you to the people that are backing me. I'll show you the money.

I've got the goods this time. What do you stand to lose, anyhow?

They can't run you out for cutting the ticket. They can't prove

it. We'll bring police in here to make it look like a fair vote.

I'll put up as much money as they will to carry this district, and

more. "

Mr. Kerrigan suddenly saw a grand coup here. He could " draw down"

from the Democrats, as he would have expressed it, twenty to

twenty-five thousand dollars to do the dirty work here. Gilgan

would furnish him as much and more--the situation being so critical.

Perhaps fifteen or eighteen thousand would be necessary to poll

the number of votes required either way. At the last hour, before

stuffing the boxes, he would learn how the city was going. If it

looked favorable for the Republicans it would be easy to complete

the victory and complain that his lieutenants had been suborned.

If it looked certain for the Democrats he could throw Gilgan and

pocket his funds. In either case he would be " in" twenty-five to

thirty thousand dollars, and he would still be councilman.

" All very fine, " replied Mr. Kerrigan, pretending a dullness which

he did not feel; " but it's damned ticklish business at best. I

don't know that I want anything to do with it even if we could

win. It's true the City Hall crowd have never played into my hands

very much; but this is a Democratic district, and I'm a Democrat.

If it ever got out that I had thrown the party it would be pretty

near all day with me.

" I'm a man of my word, " declared Mr. Gilgan, emphatically, getting

up. " I never threw a man or a bet in my life. Look at me record

in the eighteenth. Did you ever hear any one say that I had? "

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