References

Citizen journalism was first discussed in the United States in the 1980s; among the “classics” of the American concept of citizen journalism are D. Rosen, D. Kerry, J. Shaffer, L. Friedland [1]. They argue that in this type of media interaction, the audience takes a relatively equal position: “impact” and “informing”are mediated by the needs of the society itself and are taken for granted. Thus, “the main function of the so-called journalism becomes the moderation of the dialogue. This means that journalism should create an environment for an equal dialogue between different social groups (no matter how large they are and no matter how different in ideas, goals and organization), during which social contradictions and conflicts can be resolved. ” [2]

According to the principles of citizen journalism, journalists are obliged to promote the involvement of the audience in public life, to provide people with information that is necessary for decision-making in a self-government societ, i. e. citizen participation is the key to understanding citizen journalism [3]. Citizens’ participation can be expressed in discussion, involvement (active involvement of the media audience in solving socially important problems), organization (association of citizens to study a particular issue or implement a project). Speaking about the professional features of such “journalism of complicity”, I. M. Dzialoshinskii notes the orientation to the needs of the population, the fullest possible provision of critical information to the audience, the involvement of citizens in public initiatives, an objective study of public opinion on topical issues and the reaction to its immaturity, etc. [2]

In the development of Russian citizen journalism, " hybrid" forms of Internet information resources have been developed, in which user publications are placed together with professional editorial materials. Such resources include the online publication “Private Correspondent” (chaskor. ru), electronic periodical " Ridus" (ridus. ru), LifeNews portal (lifenews. ru – allows the audience to perform editorial tasks), and etc. Internet versions of many printed publications provide for discussion platforms that are open for publication, so-called blog hosting). The websites of MoskovskyKomsomolets and EkhoMoskvy radio include blogs of public figures, politicians, and professional reporters. The blog hosting site " Echo of Moscow" has more than 40 publications on integration in Eurasia. In 2016, the Network actively discussed the relations between Russia and Armenia in the context of the escalation of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus in the context of the information confrontation between Russia and the West, the economic consequences of integration in the crisis, integration in Eurasia as an alternative to the expansion of the European Union, etc. At the beginning of 2017, the public’s attention was drawn to the escalated contradictions between the participants of the Eurasian integration process, in particular, the conflict between Russia and Belarus related to the payments for hydrocarbon raw materials.

Kazakhstan has not been left aside. However, there is a contradiction in the development of citizen journalism in Kazakhstan: the reduction in the volume of political analytics on network resources has led to a shift in the structure of mass media consumption in the direction of non-political, non-conflict content. As a result, the anti-Eurasian movement that emerged in the country's blogosphere on the eve of the signing of the Treaty on the Creation of the EAEU did not receive significant public support. The online resource of the Civil Journalism Agency titus operates in Kazakhstan. kz, which, in fact, is an open information forum that offers public and political information for uncensored discussion (each user can add their own news). The principle of forming a news feed is controversial in titus. kz: official and significant information is not systematically alternated with entertainment, high-quality and adequate comments-with obscene language. As a result, freedom of expression and openness of information as fundamental principles of citizen journalism contradict the ethical foundations of the media [4].

Digital media are increasingly used for civic activism. The Internet is becoming an important instrument for human rights activists to stand still for political, social and economic reforms. It became very popular among citizens of different nationalities to openly express and share their ideas through the media environment that is now being accessible for the vast majority of most countries.

However, it is important to take into consideration usefulness of such media, since it cannot be fully censored as does the traditional media. Therefore, the “politically sensitive” content is easily transmitted and disseminated online and can reach public easily due to the network availability. During times of crisis, communities receive their information through the Internet as well as through interpersonal communication channels, as recent event in the Middle East and the former Soviet Union republics have demonstrated. The Internet, consequently, has become a potential avenue for dissent [5].

Kazakhstan declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and it has been the last state to gain its independence from the USSR. Its former leader, Nursultan Nazarbayev, became Kazakhstan’s first President. Even though Kazakhstan proclaimed itself as a democratic state, it still perceived as an authoritarian state by the Western countries [6]. This means the highest role of the President to experience its power over all governmental bodies and not only. Likewise, Kazakhstani media has been exposed to the harsh control from the government’s side, since the majority of newspaper and television stations, such as Khabar Television Company belonged to the family members of the former president [7].

At a glance, there are over 2500 newspapers and magazines being published in Kazakhstan, which gives the feeling of strong and drastically improving media industry. The share of public mass media constitutes nearly 80 per cent. According to the indicators of 2012, there has been over 238 representatives of online media and 100 radio and television stations [8]. Nowadays it is believed that these numbers at least doubled since then. Freedom House in their report mention the banning activities exercised by the government in order to expand their control over the media, which is the strongest tool of data transmission in these days. The study also suggest that the government under the power of Nazarbayev “moved closer to the ultraauthoritarian model of its neighbours in Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. ” These statistics indicate the existence of media control and characteristics of censorship by the local government [9].

Initially, Kazakhstan’s government considered the internet as a new source for strengthening its economic position in Central Asia by becoming the region’s information-technology hub. According to the World Economic Forum's Networked Readiness Index, Kazakhstan is the top-ranked country of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in terms of information and communication technologies (ICT) and digital uptake. The government has made the development of digital information technologies a national priority resulting in attempts to liberalize the communication sector and promote internet usage [10].

However, the government has realized the democratizing power of the Internet and tried to control access to it. Kazakhstan’s general prosecutor has publicly spoken out in favor of increased control of social networks, calling it “the evil”. In 2009, a new bill was passed equating Internet resources with other media, allowing the government to interfere in the content of domestic and international online resources available in Kazakhstan. Since 2011, access to 160 websites has been blocked limited because they allegedly spread “extremist” propaganda. LiveJournal was one of them [11]. As the events were unfolding in Zhanaozen, the authorities blocked the access to Twitter temporarily. The authorities for health and safety reasons sued the online video portal www. stan. kz, which was covering events in Zhanaozen. Another news website, www. guljan. org, was subjected to cyber-attacks in 2011, and one of its reporters was convicted of criminal charges before the website was eventually blocked [8].

Today the image of citizen journalism experienced many changes. The main trigger for that is the Presidential elections of 2019, which raised the concern and distrust of the local population on the fairness of elections held. Since then, freedom of the Internet in Kazakhstan remains under threat. In July 2019, the government issued its certificate of national security-machine-in-the-middle technology (MITM), allowing users to track online activity. Faced with protests, President Kassym-ZhomartTokaev suspended the issuance of the certificate a few weeks later, but its legislative basis remained untouched, which means it can be re-enacted at any time. The government also moved during the coverage period to introduce advanced video surveillance technologies, despite the fact that numerous large data violations have raised concerns about the security of citizens' personal data. In autumn 2019, many users were temporarily disabled from the Internet when the government disabled unregistered mobile devices, while during the entire coverage period, emergencies and unauthorized political assemblies were accompanied by local Internet outages. Internet content continued to be censored, while users – in particular, journalists working on the Internet - continued to face legal and extra-legal attacks.

President Tokaev, a former diplomat and senator, was elected in June 2019 by a vote, which, according to international observers, was overshadowed by fraud. NursultanNazarbayev, who has long held the post of first President of Kazakhstan, preserved the title of the Leader of the nation and control over the powerful Security Council - along with legal immunity and other privileges - after his resignation in March 2019. Nazarbayev's position created a dual structure of power in the country, which in turn created uncertainty as to who is in power. Tokayev promised to carry out reforms at the beginning of his presidency, but no serious changes have yet taken place. Outside the elite circles, there is no political competition, since the power strictly controls the public sphere, showing little tolerance to opposition political parties or independent media [12].

The use of social media platforms and other digital tools for civil and political organizations in Kazakhstan is very limited. Popular platforms are subject to periodic restrictions, especially in the run-up to and during demonstrations. Discussion of political or social issues on social network platforms is often overshadowed by sensational content that is widely distributed on the Internet.

Authorities sometimes block applications to exchange messages before protests so that users cannot access group chats to coordinate protest actions, including those carried out by the prohibited opposition party of the DVK. Informants have penetrated critical groups on Telegram and other platforms to build cases for prosecution. In late April 2019, the Attorney General warned that the organization of “unsanctioned” demonstrations in “social networks and messengers” constitutes a violation of article 488 of the Code on administrative violations [13]. The Department issued similar warnings throughout the lighting period [14]. Thus, all public demonstrations in Kazakhstan must be approved by the authorities.

Online petition sites are blocked to prevent the holding of an election campaign. As a result, the activists turned to alternative platforms. The online campaign against redevelopment in the historical center of Almaty included a petition posted in Google Docs. It collected 3, 000 signatures, which led to the city administration canceling the planned construction.

In early 2019, the Ministry of Public Development announced its intention to create an official petition platform, but the process was suspended due to the reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers. In February 2020, the Ministry of Information and Social Development announced the development of a service called " Electronic petition", which will allow citizens to create petitions and sign their certified electronic signatures [15].

The Constitution guarantees freedom of expression, but this right is qualified by other laws and is strictly limited in practice to prohibitions on slander, publication of false information and other speech-related offences.

Although Internet resources are considered media, bloggers do not enjoy the same rights as journalists, and even official journalists face numerous limitations in their work. For example, in February 2019, the Ministry of Information and Communications stated that it would further restrict the already limited access of journalists to events in public bodies [16]. Police and pro-government thugs, who persecute bloggers and journalists are rarely punished and enjoy de facto immunity. Nevertheless, the government plan for the development of the information sphere of Kazakhstan, adopted in April 2020, provides for increased authority of bloggers, including by granting them the right to be accredited by various government institutions, as well as providing the same protection that traditional journalists enjoy in certain circumstances [17]. The State has long cooperated with elected bloggers to create positive lighting on social networks.

Summing up, the Government has strengthened its power in the information and communication technology (ICT) sector through significant investments, including direct subsidies from the state monopoly Kazakhtelecom. During the reporting period, the government violated the Internet during political protests organized by the opposition, riots and other emergencies. The introduction of the IMEI code registration system has further disrupted the communication, albeit temporarily.

Thus, it is obvious that the development of citizen journalism is under a big doubt and concern in the state of “so-called democratic” views. The strong power over all of the media and ICT by the government, which has been run by the single individual almost for three decades, availing to spread the long roots of its power. Although, it cannot be seen as the citizen journalism cannot operate as it does in the other Western democratic states. It is rather limited and filtered by the responsible government bodies, which function to ensure the safety of published news and prevent potential threats to state sovereignty.

In conclusion, it is correct to interpret the potential of citizen journalism development with the democratization of the state that does not impose harsh regulations and strong control over the mass media, that does not veil the events with the drastic consequences on public mind and opinion, but instead seeks for the right resolution of them.

References

1. Gerbner G. Educators Activists Organize to Promote Media Literacy in U. S. // The New Citizen. – 1995. – Vol. 2. – № 2. – P. 111–144

2. Dzialoshinskii, I. M. (2007) Innovatsionnaiazhurnalistika. Modnoeslovosochetanieili put' razvitiia SMI [Innovative journalism. Fashion word combination or the way of media development] // TeleTsENTR. – № 1 (21). – P. 49–52.

3. Rol' pressy v formirovanii v Rossiigrazhdanskogoobshchestva [The role of the press in the formation of civil society in Russia] / otv. zavyp. M. Dzialoshinskaia. – M.: In-t gumanitar. kommunikatsii, 1999. – 296 p.

4. Venidiktov, S. V. (2017). Platformygrazhdanskojzhurnalistiki v konteksteelektronnogosuverenitetagosudarstvEvrazijskogoekonomicheskogosoyuza. Srednerusskijvestnikobshchestvennyhnauk, 12(4).

URL: https: //cyberleninka. ru/article/n/platformy-grazhdanskoy-zhurnalistiki-v-kontekste-elektronnogo-suvereniteta-gosudarstv-evraziyskogo-ekonomicheskogo-soyuza

5. Mou, Y., D. Atkin& H. Fu. (2011). Predicting Political Discussion in the Censored Virtual Environment.

6. The Economist (2012). Democracy Index 2012. Democracy at a standstill. URL: https: //www. eiu. com/public/topical_report. aspx? campaignid=DemocracyIndex12

7. Cummings, S. (2005). Kazakhstan. Power and the Elite. Palgrave Macmillan. New York.

8. Beisembayeva, D., Papoutsaki, E., & Kolesova, E. (2013). Social media and online activism in Kazakhstan: A new challenge for authoritarianism. The International Academic Forum (IAFOR). Asian Conferences.

URL: https: //unitec. researchbank. ac. nz/bitstream/handle/10652/2803/MediAsia2013_0117. pdf? sequence=1

9. Reporters Without Borders. (2013). World Press Freedom Index. URL: http: //en. rsf. org/press-freedom-index-2013, 1054. html

10. Nichol, J. (2012). Kazakhstan: Recent Developments and US Interests.

URL: http: //www. fas. org/sgp/crs/row/97-1058. pdf

11. A Sobering Reality (2012). Fundamental Freedoms in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan Twenty Years after the Soviet Collapse. URL: http: //www. iphronline. org/uploads/9/0/2/7/9027585/central_asia_report_march_2012. pdf

12. Freedom House (2020). Kazakhstan: Freedom on the Net 2020 Country Report. URL: https: //freedomhouse. org/country/kazakhstan/freedom-net/2020

13. “OBRASHCHENIE zamestitelyaGeneral'nogoProkuroraRespublikiKazahstanAhmetzhanova M. M. v poryadkestat'i 31 ZakonaRespublikiKazahstan «O prokurature»[Address of the Deputy Prosecutor General of the Republic of Kazakhstan Akhmetzhanov M. M. in accordance with Article 31 of the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan ‘On the Prosecutor's Office’, ]” General Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan, April 29, 2019. URL: https: //www. gov. kz/memleket/entities/prokuror/press/news/details/166659? lang=ru

14. The General Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan (2020)General Prosecutor's Office calls for respect for the law. URL: http: //prokuror. gov. kz/eng/news/press-releases/general-prosecutors-office-calls-respect-law

15. Sputnik News (2020). Kazahstancysmogutsozdavat' peticii, kotoryebudutrassmatrivat' gosorgany. [Kazakhstanis would be able to create petitions to state bodies]. URL: https: //ru. sputniknews. kz/amp/society/20200201/12717476/kazakhstantsy-petitsii-gosorgany. html

16. Current time (2019). Bol'shayachast' zhurnalistov ne smozhetpoluchit' akkreditaciyu: yuristkommentiruetprikazministraAbaeva[Most journalists won't get accreditation]. URL: https: //www. currenttime. tv/a/29770437. html

17. Adilet. Zan (2020). Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Institute of Legislation and Legal InformationNacional'nyj plan razvitiyasferyinformaciina 2020-2022 gody[National plan on development of information sphere for 2020-2022]. URL: http: //adilet. zan. kz/rus/docs/P2000000183#z13