Some Important Terms in the Armenian Christology

1. Some Important Terms in the Armenian Christology

In the earlier stage of the Armenian Christology the character of the union of Christ’s natures is undoubtedly an important factor on the way to understand correctly the theological language and terms as used in the Christological formulas and reflections. Hereafter we will discuss the most two important models of union proposed by the Armenian medieval theologians, on the basis of Early Christian patristic tradition.

The first and perhaps the most significant term is xarnoumn (xarnouac’, xarnouac’ō) which corresponds to the different Greek terms, deriving from kerannumi (kerannu/mi) and mignumi (mi/gnumi)[1]. The terms designate the close relationship of natures, the intimate participation of God into human reality, the human engagement in the divine life[2]. In English the terms could be translated by “mixture [without confusion]” or “intermingling”. The Armenian xarnoumn and deriving verbs and verbal constructions emerged in the field of theological terminology via Didascalia (Teaching) of St. Gregory the Illuminator[3]. But long before the “Teaching of St. Gregory” the term was utilized by Cappadocian Fathers and by St. Cyril himself[4]. It is necessary also to mention that the Cappadocian fathers, speaking about the mixture and blending, departed from the etymological context of the word “nature” (fu/sij). Hence, the natures mixture (ki/rnhmi) and intermingle (perixwre/w) as from their co-growing or mutual coalescing (sumfui+=a or sumfuei/a)[5].

In the Armenian Christological tradition the “mixture of natures [without confusion]” became the dominant theological vision. As mentioned above, the “commixture of natures” appeared in one of the first Armenian medieval theological works, “The Teaching of St. Gregory the Illuminator”. In numerous passages of this work one can notice the dominant presence of the theory of commixture:

“He humbled himself and joined[6] His divinity to our humanity and the immortal to the mortal to link all mankind to the immortality of His own divinity”[7].

“For He was united to the flesh by nature and joined[8] the flesh to his divinity”[9].

And perhaps it would not appear surprising to see how this theological vision of St. Gregory the Illuminator canonized the use of “commixture”. In the official collection of ecclesiastical epistles of the Armenian Church, Book of Letters (Arm. Girk’ T’łťoc’) we have at least one evidence of the use of St. Gregory the Illuminator’s above-mentioned citation, in the letter of the Armenian King Gagik (1042-1045), addressed to the Byzantine Emperor Romanos Lekapenos (920-944)[10]. The Armenian King, referring to the undisputable authority of Saint Gregory the Illuminator both for Armenians and Byzantines, cites the same 369 and 385 paragraphs from the “Teaching of Saint Gregory the Illuminator”[11]. It is indeed the direct indication of the theological importance of “Teaching”. In the further centuries the massive passages from the “Teaching” were inserted in some other important theological florilegia[12]. Yet, for the Armenian medieval authors the distinction between fusion and commixture was equally important. Thus for Catholicos Kiwrion of Georgia (598-609?), also known in the Armenian medieval literature as a zealous Chalcedonian, the distinction between fusion (Arm. verb xarnakel) and commixture (Arm. verb xarnel) was the main matter of dispute in his response to the Armenian Catholicos Abraham I Ałbaťanec’i (607-615)[13]. In their explanations Armenians employed the complementary expressions such as “veritable union” and “union without confusion”[14].

Before discussing the significance of the second model of union, one has to take necessarily into consideration some important Syriac peculiarities of the above-discussed model, as well. The Syriac medieval authors had surely the adequate terms for mixis, krasis and deriving words at their disposal[15].

For the Armenian Christian tradition in the 4^th-5^th centuries, according to the various sources, the Syriac Christianity and culture were the dominant factors[16]. Obviously it would be the same for the early Christological formulas[17]. The Teaching of St. Gregory contains several citations and allusions from the Syriac works. It is also to be noted that all these works were translated into Armenian in the earlier stage of the Armenian Christological tradition[18]. Hence, the presence of early Syriac Christological terms and expressions in Armenian Christological language should not be surprising. We will discuss, in the following lines, the significance of the second important model of union which is “to put on flesh (humanity)-Arm. “zgenoul marmin”. It is to be mentioned that the expression was used by the first Syriac theologians, thus having become the most peculiar example for the representation of the Incarnation. Aphrahat the Persian and St. Ephrem the Syrian were abundantly recurring to the image of vestment[19]. For them this was the preferred expression to translate the Nicene esarkōtē (e9sarkw/qh, litt. “became flesh”)[20]. That is, the image of vestment or “the clothing metaphor” as called by S. Brock[21], expressed adequately the Nicene orthodox definition of the union of Divinity and humanity.

The earliest evidences of the use of “clothing metaphor” as a mean of Christological reflection in the Armenian tradition, could be found in the “Teaching of St. Gregory the Illuminator” and in the “Stromateis”, a fifth-century collection of theological treatises, attributed also to St. Gregory the Illuminator[22]. Hereby are some passages from the noted works:

“Son of God became son of man and put on our nature….and the Son of God was incarnated…”[23].

“But when He wished, He took human form and put on flesh and descended to our likeness”.

“For our salvation came and put on humanity especially for the renewal of all creatures”[24].

The same Incarnational vision was shared by the two earliest Armenian translations of patristic works, “The Pastoral Letter of Aitallah, Bishop of Edessa”[25] and “The Catechesis” of St. Cyril of Jerusalem[26]. Moreover, in the “Confession of Faith” addressed to the Persian King Yazdgird II (438-457) the Armenian Bishops accentuated the expression “to put on flesh” as a main Mystery of Christian faith[27]. It is understandable that the expression, so widely recurrent, would not have been limited only in the “theological dictionary” of early Armenian Christianity. For the medieval authors and theologians it became also one of the most used expressions in the Christological debates and treatises. One could find it in the official theological documents and treatises through all subsequent centuries[28].

To resume what has been said above on the significance of the two Christological notions, as a means of expressing the union of Divine and human natures, we may make some conclusive remarks.

1. The Armenian terms xarnel-commixture and zgenoul maŕmin- to put on flesh, expressing the mode of the union of Divine and human natures in Christ were construed on the doctrinal background of the Patristic tradition of early Church. In this respect, the two terms formed the appropriate grounds for the further development of the Armenian Christological tradition, having defined thus the theological ways for almost all apologetical and dogmatic treatises up to the end of the 18^th century.

2. If on the one hand by the term “xarnel-commixture” the Armenian theologians insisted on the significance of theosis (partaking of Divinity) as an imitational way of salvation, by the term “zgenoul maŕmin- to put on flesh” they, on the other hand, focused their attention on the real and indissoluble character of union, stressing meanwhile the absolute necessity of the presence of two natures for the union. One could deduce that the first term implies the importance of the Salvation’s mystery, and the second one, the mean of that mystery, the gracious and wonderful union of two natures.

3. The two above-discussed models of union were inherited from the Early Christian patristic tradition. Even if some modern theologians consider allegedly that after the Council of Chalcedon the term “xarnel” was moved away from the theological language of the Church[29], its significance was, however, decisive for the Armenian Christology, as a theological vision closely relying on the patristic tradition. Moreover, the Armenians themselves were fully aware of their Eutychian and Nestorian misuses as attested in the various documents of the Armenian Church[30].

We come now to another important theme in the Armenian Christology, i.e. the role and significance of “nature” (physis) and “person” (upostasis/prosopon) as used in the Armenian theological tradition. We will try to only indicate, without the possibility of analytic elaboration, some essential and major points in the theological (Christological) implication of these words.

First of all, one has to consider the etymological character of “nature” (Arm. bnout’iwn) in Armenian. It derives from the ancient Iranian bwn (base, foundation, origin), and has the signification of “trunk” in classical and modern Armenian[31]. Moreover, hamaboun in classical Armenian signifies “consubstantial”. This kind of perception of “nature” (physis) in its semantic implication accentuated the relational character of the word. In Armenian theological language “the word “nature” (bnout’iwn) was thus conceived systematically as “origin” or “root”[32].

The Greek terms “upostasis” and “prosopon” in the classical Armenian concern directly the Trinitarian and Christological doctrines. In the earlier stage of the Armenian theological tradition the “upostasis” was rendered by “zorouťiun”, meaning “power” and closer to the Greek energeia (e0nergei/a)[33]. The “zorouťiun” was later replaced by “andzn” and “arandznavorouťiun”, translating exactly the Greek “upostasis”. The Greek “prosopon”, in the cases where the meaning of “person” is intended, had been translated by “eres” or “dēm” (face, appearance) both in the earlier (5^th-6^th cc.) and later stages of the Armenian Christological tradition[34].

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